• • • The presidency of Jimmy Carter began at noon on January 20, 1977, when was as, and ended on January 20, 1981. Carter, a, took office after defeating President in the. His presidency ended with his defeat in the by Republican nominee. Carter, the President, sought to make the government 'competent and compassionate' but, in the midst of an economic crisis produced by and, met with difficulty in achieving its objectives. At the end of his administration, Carter had seen a substantial decrease in unemployment and a partial reduction of the deficit, but the recession ultimately continued. Carter created the and, established a and pursued civil service and social security reform. In foreign affairs, Carter strongly emphasized human rights throughout his career.
He signed the second round of the (SALT II) with the and, in an effort to end the, initiated the. With the, he guaranteed the transfer of the to in 1999. His administration also established official diplomatic relations with the, while he signed the to define relations with. The final year of his presidential tenure was marked by several major crises, including the 1979 takeover of the American embassy in and by Iranian students, an unsuccessful of the hostages,, and the. In the 1980 presidential election, Carter defeated a primary challenge from, a prominent liberal Democrat. However, Carter lost the election in a landslide to Reagan. In, Carter is usually ranked as a below-average president.
Ministry 'stressed Qatar's full solidarity with the friendly Kingdom of Belgium in the face of all forms of violence and terrorism whatever the motives and causes were'. [Guatemala] regrets the loss of life and expresses its dismay and solidarity to the people, government of Belgium and the European Union, especially to the. The Next Step: Exponential Life is already the ninth in BBVA's annual collection of books. Global environment. This year, we return to the theme that may well constitute OpenMind's backbone: scientific progress and its technological applications as. Earth (for example,105), we have been using a 3D game engine to.
Carter and President debating at the in Carter, who served as Governor of Georgia from 1971 to 1975, decided to run for president after seeing the success of during the 1972 presidential election campaign. Despite scant backing from party leaders, McGovern had won the 1972 Democratic nomination, largely due to his success at winning delegates in, and Carter's campaign would follow a similar course.
Carter declared his candidacy for the 1976 Democratic presidential nomination in December 1974. As Democratic leaders such as,, and declined to enter the race, there was no clear favorite in the. In addition to Carter,,,,,,,, and all sought the nomination, and many of these candidates were better known than Carter. Carter sought to appeal to various groups in the party; his advocacy for cutting defense spending and reining in the appealed to liberals, while his emphasis on eliminating government waste appealed to conservatives. Held the first contest of the primary season, and Carter campaigned heavily in the state, hoping that a victory would show that he had serious chance of winning the nomination. Carter won the most votes of any candidate in the Iowa caucus, and he dominated media coverage in advance of the New Hampshire primary, which he also won. Carter's subsequent defeat of Wallace in the Florida and North Carolina primaries eliminated Carter's main rival for Southern support.
Despite the late entrance of Senator and Governor into the race, Carter clinched the nomination on the final day of the primaries. The Republicans experienced a that ultimately nominated incumbent President, who had succeeded to the presidency in 1974 after the resignation of due to the latter's involvement in the. Unlike the Republican convention, the proceeded harmoniously and, after interviewing several candidates, Carter Mondale as his running mate. The selection of Mondale was well received by many liberal Democrats, who had been skeptical of Carter.
The electoral map of the 1976 election In the presidential election campaign, Carter continued to promote a centrist agenda, seeking to define new Democratic positions in the aftermath of the tumultuous 1960s. Above all, Carter attacked the political system, defining himself as an 'outsider' who would reform Washington in the post-Watergate era. Carter and President Ford faced off in three televised debates during the 1976 election, the first such debates since 1960. Though Carter had led in the polls by thirty points after the Democratic convention, the polls showed a very close race by the end of October. On election day, Carter won the election with 50.1% of the popular vote and 297, while Ford won 48% of the popular vote and 240 electoral votes. The 1976 presidential election represents the lone Democratic presidential election victory between the elections of and. Carter fared particularly well in the Northeast and the South, while Ford swept the West and won much of the Midwest.
In the concurrent, Democrats increased their majorities in both the and. Inauguration [ ]. President Jimmy Carter and walk down during Inauguration. In his inaugural address, Carter said, 'We have learned that more is not necessarily better, that even our great nation has its recognized limits, and that we can neither answer all questions nor solve all problems.'
Carter had campaigned on a promise to eliminate the trappings of the ', and began taking action according to that promise on Inauguration Day, breaking with recent history and security protocols by walking up Pennsylvania Avenue from the to the in his inaugural parade. His first steps in the White House went further in this direction: Carter reduced the size of the staff by one-third, cancelled government-funded chauffeuring for Cabinet members, and also put the, the presidential, up for sale. He also fulfilled a campaign promise by issuing an declaring unconditional for -era. Administration and cabinet [ ] The Carter Cabinet Office Name Term Jimmy Carter 1977–1981 1977–1981 1977–1980 1980–1981 1977–1979 1979–1981 1977–1981 1977–1979 1979–1981 1977–1981 1977–1981 1977–1979 1979–1981 1977–1981 * 1977–1979 * 1979–1981 * 1979–1981 1977–1979 1979–1981 1977–1979 1979–1981 1977–1979 1979–1981 none 1977–1979 1979–1980 1980–1981 1977–1981 1977 1977–1981 1977–1979 1979–1981 • The (HEW) was renamed the (HHS) in 1979, when its education functions were transferred to the newly created under the.
After his victory in the 1976 election, Carter offered the position of to two of his advisers, and, but both declined. Rather than offer the position to someone else, Carter chose not to have a chief of staff, instead implementing a system in which Cabinet members would have more direct access to the president. Though Carter had campaigned against Washington, most of Carter's initial top appointees had served in previous administrations or had known Carter in Georgia; the one major exception to this rule was the appointment of as Secretary of Labor. Secretary of State, Secretary of Defense, and Secretary of the Treasury were all high-ranking official in the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. For the role of National Security Adviser, Carter selected, who emerged as one of Carter's closest advisers.
In 1979, following his 'Malaise speech', Carter shook up his cabinet, appointing Jordan as White House Chief of Staff and replacing Blumenthal with Federal Reserve Chairman. Notable non-Cabinet appointees [ ] • • (1977–1979) • (1979–1981) • • (1977–1981) • • (1977–1981) Judicial appointments [ ]. Robert Templeton's portrait of President Carter, displayed in the National Portrait Gallery, Washington, D.C. Relations with Congress [ ] Carter successfully campaigned as a Washington 'outsider' critical of both President Gerald Ford and the Democratic Congress; as president, Carter continued this theme. It was this refusal to play by the rules of Washington, however, which contributed to the Carter administration's difficult relationship with Congress. After the election, Carter demanded the power to reorganize the executive branch, alienating powerful Democrats like Speaker and.
During the, Congress had passed a series of reforms that removed power from the president, and most members of Congress were unwilling to restore that power even with a Democrat now in office. Unreturned phone calls, verbal insults, and an unwillingness to trade political favors soured many on Capitol Hill and affected the president's ability to enact his agenda. Carter attempted to woo O'Neill, Senate Majority Leader, and other members of Congress through personal engagement, but he was generally unable to win rally support for his programs. Carter in office, February 1977 A few months after his term started, and thinking he had the support of about 74 Congressmen, Carter issued a 'hit list' of 19 projects that he claimed were ' spending. He said that he would veto any legislation that contained projects on this list. Congress responded by passing a bill that combined several of the projects that Carter objected to with economic stimulus measures that Carter favored.
Carter chose to sign the bill, but his criticism of the alleged 'pork barrel' projects cost him support in Congress. These struggles set a pattern for Carter's presidency, and he would frequently clash with Congress for the remainder of his tenure.
Budget and taxation policies [ ] On taking office, Carter proposed a bill that would give each citizen a $50 tax rebate, cut corporate taxes by $900 million, and implement a modest stimulus package consisting of public works spending. Carter hoped to avoid by avoiding major increases in federal spending, but his resistance to a larger stimulus drew attacks from members of his own party, who derided what they saw as half-measures. Carter also sought major tax reform that would create a simpler, more taxation system. He sought to tax as ordinary income, eliminate tax shelters, limit itemized tax deductions, and increase the. Carter's taxation proposals were rejected by Congress, and no major tax bill was passed during Carter's presidency. Throughout Carter's term remained at around the $70 billion level reached in 1976, while falling as a percent of GDP from 4% to 2.5% by the 1980–81 Fiscal Year. The increased by about $280 billion, from $620 billion in early-1977 to $900 billion in late 1980.
However, because economic growth outpaced the growth in nominal debt, the federal government's decreased slightly, from 33.6% in early-1977 to 31.8% in late 1980. Health care and welfare [ ] Carter sought a comprehensive overhaul of welfare programs that he hoped would save money while providing better aid to the needy. In early 1977,, the Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare, presented Carter with several options for welfare reform. Carter rejected these initial proposals, as they would require increased spending. Proposals contemplated by the Carter administration include a, a federal for the unemployed, a, and direct cash payments to aid recipients.
In August 1977, Carter proposed a major jobs program for welfare recipients capable of working and an income to those who were incapable, but this proposal died in Congress. Carter was unable to win support for his welfare reform proposals, and they never received a vote in Congress. In 1978, responding to pressure from the and other groups, Carter helped convince the Senate to pass the, but the final version of the legislation lacked the job guarantee of the original House bill. In April 1976, while running for president, Carter proposed a health care reform plan that included key features of a bipartisan bill for sponsored by Senator. Though most Americans had health insurance through,, or private plans, approximately ten percent of the population did not have coverage in 1977. Throughout 1977, Carter delayed introduction of a program due to concerns about the deficit. In 1978, Kennedy met repeatedly with Carter and White House staffers in an attempt to forge a healthcare plan, but Kennedy and Carter were unable to find a compromise.
Kennedy and Carter had been on good terms prior to 1978, but differences over health insurance led to an open break between the two Democratic leaders. In June 1979, Carter proposed more limited health insurance reform—an employer mandate to provide private catastrophic health insurance plus coverage without for pregnant women and infants, federalization of with extension to the very poor without dependent minor children, and the addition of catastrophic coverage to. In November 1979, Senator (-) led a bipartisan conservative majority of his to support an employer mandate to provide catastrophic-only coverage and the addition of catastrophic coverage to Medicare, but abandoned efforts in 1980 due to budget constraints.
Some progress was made in the field of following Carter's appointment of Dr. As Director of the (OSHA). Bingham drew from her experience as a working with to raise and simplify standards, redirect the office's resources to industry groups with the worst records, while enacting occupational,, and exposure standards and regulations on workers' about workplace hazards, including labeling of. Bingham enacted many of these provisions over the opposition of not only Republicans, but also some in the Carter Administration itself, notably Chairman and her own boss,; ultimately, many of her proposed reforms were never enacted, or were later rescinded. Energy crisis [ ].
Carter leaving for, April 1, 1979 When Carter took office, energy policy was one of the greatest challenges facing the United States, and oil imports had increased 65% annually since 1973. In 1973, during the, the (OPEC) reduced supplies of available to the world market, in part because of deflation of the dollars they were receiving as a result of Nixon and in part as a reaction to America's sending of arms to during the. This sparked the and forced oil prices to rise sharply, spurring price inflation throughout the economy and slowing growth. The U.S government imposed on and following the announcement, which had the effect of causing shortages and long lines at filling stations for gasoline. The lines were quelled through the lifting of price controls on gasoline, although oil controls remained until. The crisis deepened in Carter told Americans that the energy crisis was 'a clear and present danger to our nation' and 'the moral equivalent of ' and drew out a plan he thought would address it.
Consumed over twice as much energy, per capita, as other, and Carter sought to reduce energy waste. Carter convinced Congress to create the (DoE) with the goal of.
He had panels installed on the roof of the White House, had a wood stove in his living quarters, ordered the to turn off hot water in some federal facilities, and requested that all light decorations remain dark in 1979 and 1980. Nationwide, controls were put on in government and commercial buildings to prevent people from raising heater temperatures in the winter above 65 °F (18 °C) or cooling in the summer below 78 degrees Fahrenheit (26 °C) through 1980. Faced with the energy crisis and a stumbling economy, Carter asked Congress to impose on energy, medicine, and consumer prices, but was unable to secure passage of such measures due to strong opposition from Congress. One related measure approved by Congress during the presidency of Gerald Ford, the, gave Presidents the authority to deregulate prices of, and Carter exercised this option on July 1, 1979, as a means of encouraging both oil production and conservation. Oil imports, which had reached a record 2.4 billion barrels in 1977 (50% of supply), declined by half from 1979 to 1983. During 1979 and 1980, Carter began a process of deregulation of the oil industry. Carter did this by phasing out government control of oil allocation.
During his 'malaise' speech he asked Congress to impose a '. One of the main reasons Carter called for the tax was due to the deregulation of the oil industry, which in the eyes of members of the Carter administration, would increase the profits of oil companies to an 'undeserving' level. Enacted in 1980 on domestic oil production, the tax would be repealed in 1988, after prices had collapsed in the. 'Malaise' speech [ ]. I want to talk to you right now about a fundamental threat to American.
I do not refer to the outward strength of America, a nation that is at peace tonight everywhere in the world, with unmatched economic power and military might. The threat is nearly invisible in ordinary ways. It is a crisis of confidence. It is a crisis that strikes at the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will. We can see this crisis in the growing doubt about the meaning of our own lives and in the loss of a unity of purpose for our nation. Jimmy Carter When the set in, Carter was planning on delivering his fifth major speech on energy; however, he felt that the American people were no longer listening. Carter left for the presidential retreat of, conferring with dozens prominent political leaders and other individuals.
His pollster,, told him that the American people simply faced a crisis of confidence stemming from the assassination of major leaders in the 1960s, the, the. On July 15, 1979, Carter gave a nationally televised address in which he identified what he believed to be a ' among the American people. This came to be known as his ' speech, although Carter never used the word in the speech. Carter juxtaposed 'crisis' and 'confidence' to explain how overconsumption in the United States was leading to an energy crisis. Although at first this resonated with the public and he went up in the polls, there was a boomerang effect and the speech prompted a public backlash against him.
The 'malaise' speech was criticized later on; many perceived Carter as too reliant on the American people, and as having made effort to fix the oil crisis himself. Others felt that Carter was blaming the American people for the oil shortages and other economic problems in the country instead of looking for a long-term solution on how to fix them. Carter mentioned energy so much in the speech that he may have overwhelmed the American public with it. Three days after the speech, Carter asked for the resignations of all of his Cabinet officers, and ultimately accepted those of five who had clashed with the White House the most, including Energy Secretary James Schlesinger and Health, Education and Welfare chief Joseph Califano. Carter also appointed Hamilton Jordan as his first White House Chief of Staff. The malaise speech and the subsequent Cabinet shake-up were poorly received by the public and media. Economy: stagflation and the appointment of Volcker [ ] The economic history of the Carter Administration can be divided in two roughly equal periods that differed dramatically.
The first two years were a time of continuing recovery from the severe 1973–75 recession, which had left at its lowest level since the 1970 recession and unemployment at 9%. The second two years were marked by double-digit, coupled with very high interest rates,, and slow economic growth. The nation's economy grew by an average of 3.4% (at par with the historical average) and more private sector jobs were created per month during the Carter Administration than during any other presidency since 1950 except for the Clinton Administration. The, which had grown by 5% in 1976, continued to grow at a similar pace during 1977 and 1978. Unemployment declined from 7.5% in January 1977 to 5.6% by May 1979, with over 9 million net new jobs created during that interim, and real median household income grew by 5% from 1976 to 1978.
The recovery in business investment in evidence during 1976 strengthened as well. Fixed private investment (machinery and construction) grew by 30% from 1976 to 1979, home sales and construction grew another one third by 1978, and, and sales did so by nearly 15%; with the exception of new housing starts, which remained slightly below their 1972 peak, each of these benchmarks reached record levels in 1978 or 1979. The 1979 energy crisis ended this period of growth, however, and as both inflation and interest rates rose, economic growth, job creation, and declined sharply. The relatively loose adopted by Chairman, had already contributed to somewhat higher, rising from 5.8% in 1976 to 7.7% in 1978. The sudden doubling of prices by, the world's leading oil exporting, forced inflation to double-digit levels, averaging 11.3% in 1979 and 13.5% in 1980. The sudden shortage of as the 1979 summer vacation season began exacerbated the problem, and would come to symbolize the crisis among the public in general; the acute shortage, originating in the shutdown of refining facilities, led to a lawsuit against the company that year by the Federal Government. Following an August 1979 cabinet shakeup in which Carter asked for the resignations of several cabinet members, Carter appointed as, naming as Chairman of the.
Volcker pursued a tight to bring down inflation, which he considered his mandate. Volcker (and Carter) succeeded, but only by first going through an unpleasant phase during which the economy slowed and rose. Carter enacted an program by, justifying these measures by observing that inflation had reached a 'crisis stage'; both inflation and short-term interest rates reached 18 percent in February and March 1980. Investments in fixed income (both held by Wall Street and paid to ) were becoming less valuable in, and on March 14, 1980, President Carter announced the first credit control measures since.
The policies of Volcker and Carter led to a. The sudden fall in GDP during the second quarter caused unemployment to jump from 6% to 7.5% by May, with output in the auto and housing sectors falling by over 20% and to their weakest level since the 1975 recession. Carter phased out credit controls in May, and by July, the had fallen to 11%. With inflation breaking the earlier trend and easing to under 13% for the remainder of 1980. The coincided with Carter's re-election campaign, however, and contributed to his unexpectedly severe loss.
GDP and employment totals regained pre-recession levels by the first quarter of 1981. Environment [ ] A wide range of measures aimed at safeguarding the environment were introduced during the presidency of Jimmy Carter, In reaction to the energy crisis and growing concerns over, Carter signed the (NEA) and the (). The purpose of these watershed laws was to encourage energy conservation and the development of national energy resources, including such as and.
He also installed a 32-panel solar power heating system on the White House roof on June 20, 1979, to promote the use of. In 1977, Carter signed the, which regulates strip mining. In December 1980, he signed into law 'Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act of 1980 (CERCLA),' commonly known as, a United States federal law designed to clean up sites contaminated with hazardous substances. That same month, he signed into law. The law provided for the creation or revision of 15 National Park Service properties, and set aside other public lands for the United States Forest Service and United States Fish and Wildlife Service. In all, the act provided for the designation of 79.53 million acres (124,281 square miles; 321,900 km 2) of public lands, fully a third of which was set aside as wilderness area in. Education [ ] Early into his term, Carter collaborated with Congress to assist in fulfilling a campaign promise to create a cabinet level education department.
In a February 28, 1978 address at the White House, Carter argued, 'Education is far too important a matter to be scattered piecemeal among various Government departments and agencies, which are often busy with sometimes dominant concerns.' In October 1979, Carter signed the into law, establishing the. Carter also expanded the program with the addition of 43,000 children and families, During his tenure, the percentage of nondefense dollars spent on education was doubled. Another measure passed during the Carter years, the Child Nutrition Amendments Act of 1978, introduced a national income standard for program eligibility based on income standards prescribed for reduced-price school lunches. The Act also strengthened the nutrition education component of the WIC program by requiring the provision of nutritional education to all program participants. Other initiatives [ ] The Housing and Community Development Act of 1977 set up Urban Development Action Grants, extended handicapped and elderly provisions, and established the Community Reinvestment Act of 1978, which sought to prevent banks from denying credit and loans to poor communities. The Surface Mining Control and Reclamation Act of 1977 was passed with the intention of enabling the coal industry to develop coal resources without damaging other natural resources in the process, while the Federal Mine Safety and Health Act of 1977 was aimed at safeguarding mineworkers from harm in the workplace.
Programs from the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) and women's programs were also strengthened and 'common sense priorities' led to focus on major health problems. The Pregnancy Discrimination Act of 1978 prohibited companies or organizations from discriminating against pregnant employees while providing protection in the areas of childbirth and medical conditions related to pregnancy or childbirth. The National Consumer Cooperative Bank Act of 1978 sought to put funds aside for low-interest loans to start cooperatives. Minimum wage coverage was extended to farmworkers, and the Age Discrimination in Employment Act Amendments of 1978 increased the upper age limit on coverage against age discrimination in non-federal employment and in the private sector from 65 to 70 as a means of extending safeguards against age discrimination. In addition, the purchase requirement for food stamps was abolished, the Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program was introduced to assist families with their heating costs, and the first-ever national youth employment law was enacted. Also under Carter's watch, the of 1978 was passed, which phased out the. He also enacted in the trucking, rail, communications, and finance industries.
Carter signed into law legislation known as the Social Security Amendments of 1977, which raised Social Security taxes and reduced Social Security benefits. The act corrected a technical error made in 1972 and ensured the short-term solvency of Social Security.
Carter was the first president to address the topic of rights. He opposed the, a ballot measure that would have banned and supporters of from being teachers. His administration was the first to meet with a group of gay rights activists. He has stated that he 'opposes all forms of discrimination on the basis of and believes there should be under the law for people who differ in sexual orientation'. Foreign policies [ ] Human rights [ ]. Carter meeting with dictator, in Washington, D.C., September 6, 1977 Carter initially departed from the long-held policy of toward the Soviet Union. In its place, Carter promoted a foreign policy that put at the forefront.
This was a break from the policies of several predecessors, in which were often overlooked if they were committed by a government that was allied, or purported to be allied, with the United States. He nominated activist as Coordinator for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs, and in August 1977, had the post elevated to that of. Derian established the, published annually since 1977.
Carter made human rights a factor in determinations, effectively ending such aid for five Latin American countries for the remainder of Carter's tenure. The Carter Administration ended support to the historically U.S.-backed regime in and gave aid to the new government that assumed power after Somoza's overthrow. Generally, human rights in Latin America, which had deteriorated sharply in the previous decade, improved following these initiatives; a publisher tortured during 's,, credited these policies for the positive trend, stating that they not only saved lives, but also 'built up democratic consciousness in the United States'. The more assertive human rights policy championed by Derian and State Department Policy Planning Director was blunted by the opposition of National Security Adviser, who held considerations as paramount. These policy disputes reached their most contentious point during the 1979 fall of 's genocidal regime of following the, when Brzezinski prevailed in having the administration refuse to recognize the new Cambodian government due to its support by the.
Carter convinced Congress to repeal the Byrd amendment, thus effectively re-imposing sanctions on white-ruled. Strong pressure from the United States and the United Kingdom prompted new elections in. The elections saw elected as Prime Minister of Zimbabwe, and the Carter administration lifted sanctions and extended diplomatic recognition. Carter's focus on helping facilitate the transition from Rhodesia to Zimbabwe reflected his desires to both prevent Soviet Cold War gains and advance racial equality.
Carter was also known for his criticism of 's,, the government of South Africa, and other traditional allies. [ ] Camp David Accords [ ]. Sadat, Carter and Begin shaking hands after signing Peace treaty between Egypt and Israel in the, March 27, 1979 On taking office, Carter decided to emphasize a U.S. Role in resolving the long-running.
Carter sought a comprehensive settlement between Israel and its neighbors by reconvening the 1973, but these efforts had collapsed by the end of 1977. Though unsuccessful in reconvening the conference, Carter convinced leader to visit Israel in 1978. Sadat's visit drew the condemnation of other countries, but Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister each expressed an openness to bilateral talks. Begin sought security guarantees; Sadat sought the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the (which Israel had occupied since the 1973 ) and home rule for the and, Israeli-occupied territories that were largely populated. Seeking to further negotiations, Carter invited Begin and Sadat to the presidential retreat of in September 1978. Because direct negotiations between Sadat and Begin proved unproductive, Carter began meeting with the two leaders individually. On September 12, 1978, President Carter suggested dividing the negotiations over the peace treaty into two frameworks.
The first framework dealt with the, which consisted of the and. The first point stated that the election of a self-governing authority would be allowed to provide full autonomy to the inhabitants of these regions. This government would be elected by the Palestinians and would only look after municipal affairs. The second step would be to grant Palestinians autonomy mainly on those municipal matters. Five years down the road after having gone through steps one and two, the status of Palestine could then be negotiated. Framework No. 1 was not very well received; the Palestinians and Jordanians were furious.
They objected to the fact that Begin and Sadat were deciding on their ultimate destiny without consulting them or their leaders. Framework No. 1 for that reason was not going to work; it was essentially a dead end. The second framework called for a treaty in which Israel and Egypt would establish relations and Israel would agree to withdraw from the. The reaction to this proposal in the Arab world was very negative. The Arab League condemned the proposed treaty, and Sadat was also attacked by the Arab press for breaking ranks with the Arab League and having betrayed the Arab world. Discussions pertaining to the future peace treaty took place in both countries.
Israel insisted in its negotiations that the Israel-Egypt treaty should supersede all of Egypt's other treaties, including those signed with the Arab League and Arab states. Israel also wanted access to the oil discovered in the Sinai region. President Carter interjected and informed the Israelis that the U.S. Would supply Israel with whatever oil it needed for the next 15 years if Egypt at any point decided not to supply oil to Israel. While the first framework was already approved by the Israeli Government, the second framework also needed approval.
The Israeli Cabinet accepted the second framework of the treaty. The Israeli Parliament also approved the second framework with a comfortable majority. Alternatively, the Egyptian Government was arguing about a number of things. They did not like the fact that this proposed treaty was going to supersede all other treaties. Egyptians were also disappointed that they were unable to link the Sinai question to the Palestinian question.
[ ] On March 26, 1979, Egypt and Israel signed a in Washington, D.C. Carter's role in getting the treaty was essential. Interviewed many officials for his book The Much Too Promised Land (2008) and concluded the following: 'No matter whom I spoke to — Americans, Egyptians, or Israelis — most everyone said the same thing: no Carter, no peace treaty.' Panama Canal Treaties [ ]. Carter and shake hands moments after the signing of the Torrijos-Carter Treaties.
Hoping to ease tensions with Latin American countries, Carter negotiated the, two treaties which provided that would gain control of the in 1999. Carter's initiative faced wide resistance in the United States, and many in the public, particularly conservatives, thought that Carter was 'giving away' a crucial U.S. Conservatives formed groups such as the Committee to Save the Panama Canal in an attempt to defeat the treaties in the Senate, and Carter made ratification of the treaties his top priority. In March 1978, the Senate ratified both treaties by a margin of 68-to-32, narrowly passing the two-thirds margin necessary for ratification.
Strategic Arms Limitations Talks (SALT) [ ]. President Jimmy Carter and Soviet general secretary sign the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT II) treaty, June 18, 1979, in Ford and Nixon had sought to reach agreement on another round of the (SALT II), which reduced the number of possessed by both the United States and the. Carter hoped to extend these talks, but he also criticized the Soviet Union's record with regard to human rights, partly because he believed the public would not support negotiations with the Soviets if the president seemed too willing to accommodate the Soviets.
Carter and Soviet Leader reached an agreement in June 1979 regarding SALT II, but Carter's waning popularity and the opposition of Republicans and Democrats made ratification difficult. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan ended any hope of ratifying SALT II. Afghanistan [ ]. See also: Communists under the leadership of on April 27, 1978.
The new regime—which was divided between Taraki's extremist faction and the more moderate —signed a treaty of friendship with the Soviet Union in December of that year. Taraki's efforts to improve secular education and redistribute land were accompanied by mass executions (including of many conservative religious leaders) and political oppression unprecedented in Afghan history, igniting a revolt by rebels. Following a general uprising in April 1979, Taraki was deposed by Khalq rival in September.
Amin was considered a 'brutal psychopath' by foreign observers; even the Soviets were alarmed by the brutality of the Afghan communists, and suspected Amin of being an agent of the U.S. (CIA), although that was not the case. By December, Amin's government had lost control of much of the country, prompting the Soviet Union to, execute Amin, and install Parcham leader as president. Carter was surprised by the invasion, as the consensus of the U.S. Intelligence community during 1978 and 1979—reiterated as late as September 29, 1979—was that 'Moscow would not intervene in force even if it appeared likely that the Khalq government was about to collapse.' Indeed, Carter's diary entries from November 1979 until the Soviet invasion in late December contain only two short references to Afghanistan, and are instead preoccupied with the ongoing hostage crisis in Iran.
In the West, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan was considered a threat to global security and the oil supplies of the. Moreover, the failure to accurately predict Soviet intentions caused American officials to reappraise the Soviet threat to both Iran and Pakistan, although it is now known that those fears were overblown. For example, U.S. Intelligence closely followed Soviet exercises for an invasion of Iran throughout 1980, while an earlier warning from Carter's national security adviser that 'if the Soviets came to dominate Afghanistan, they could promote a separate.
[thus] dismembering Pakistan and Iran' took on new urgency. These concerns were a major factor in the unrequited efforts of both the Carter and Reagan administrations to improve relations with Iran, and resulted in massive aid to Pakistan's.
Zia's ties with the U.S. Had been strained during Carter's presidency due to Pakistan's nuclear program and the execution of in April 1979, but Carter told Brzezinski and secretary of state as early as January 1979 that it was vital to 'repair our relationships with Pakistan' in light of the unrest in Iran. One initiative Carter authorized to achieve this goal was a collaboration between the CIA and Pakistan's (ISI); through the ISI, the CIA began providing some $500,000 worth of non-lethal assistance to the mujahideen on July 3, 1979—several months prior to the Soviet invasion. The modest scope of this early collaboration was likely influenced by the understanding, later recounted by CIA official, 'that a substantial U.S.
Covert aid program' might have 'raise[d] the stakes' thereby causing 'the Soviets to intervene more directly and vigorously than otherwise intended'. In the aftermath of the invasion, Carter was determined to respond vigorously to what he considered a dangerous provocation. In a televised speech, he announced sanctions on the Soviet Union, promised renewed aid to Pakistan, and committed the U.S. To the Persian Gulf's defense. Military commitment to the Persian Gulf became known as the. Carter also called for a boycott of the in Moscow, which raised a bitter controversy. British prime minister enthusiastically backed Carter's tough stance, although British intelligence believed 'the CIA was being too alarmist about the Soviet threat to Pakistan'.
The thrust of U.S. Policy for the duration of the war was determined by Carter in early 1980: Carter initiated and secured a pledge from Saudi Arabia to match U.S. Funding for this purpose.
Support for the mujahideen accelerated under Carter's successor,, at a final cost to U.S. Taxpayers of some $3 billion.
The Soviets were unable to quell the insurgency and in 1989, precipitating the itself. However, the decision to route U.S. Aid through Pakistan led to massive fraud, as weapons sent to were frequently sold on the local market rather than delivered to the Afghan rebels; Karachi soon 'became one of the most violent cities in the world'.
Pakistan also controlled which rebels received assistance: Of the supported by Zia's government, four espoused Islamic fundamentalist beliefs—and these fundamentalists received most of the funding. Despite this, Carter has expressed no regrets over his decision to support what he still considers the 'freedom fighters' in Afghanistan. That and were beneficiaries of CIA assistance. This is refuted by experts such as —who notes that declassified CIA records and interviews with CIA officers do not support such claims—and, who concludes: 'The theory that bin Laden was created by the CIA is invariably advanced as an axiom with no supporting evidence.' Funding went to the Afghan mujahideen, not the who arrived to assist them. Iranian Revolution and hostage crisis [ ]. The Iranian Shah,, meeting with,, Cyrus Vance, President Jimmy Carter and Zbigniew Brzezinski in Tehran, 1977 The main conflict between human rights and U.S.
Interests came in Carter's dealings with the. The Shah,, had been a strong ally of the United States since World War II and was one of the 'twin pillars' upon which U.S. Strategic policy in the was built (the other being Saudi Arabia). However, his rule was strongly, was seen as at home, and in 1953 he went along with the Administration in staging a to remove the elected Prime Minister,. On a 1978 state visit to Iran, Carter spoke out in favor of the Shah, calling him a leader of supreme wisdom, and a pillar of stability in the volatile Middle East.
When the broke out in Iran the administration was divided on how to help the Shah. Argued that the Shah should institute a series of reforms to appease the voices of discontent while argued in favour of a crackdown - the iron fist approach - and a military government.
Unable to receive a direct course of action from Carter, the mixed messages that the Shah received from Vance and Brzezinski contributed to his confusion and indecision. The Shah went into permanent in January 1979 and Iran fell to Khomeini's forces the following month. Although he was initially given the opportunity to reside in the U.S. For a period, the Shah opted to stay in the region. Following the revolution however Carter refused him entry to the United States, even on grounds of medical emergency. Upon learning of his illness, on October 22, 1979, Carter finally granted him entry and temporary for the duration of his treatment. The Shah left the U.S.
For on December 15, 1979. In response to the Shah's entry into the U.S., the American embassy in in November, taking 52 Americans hostage. The Iranians demanded: • The return of the Shah to Iran for trial. • The return of the Shah's wealth to the.
• An admission of guilt by the United States for its past actions in Iran, plus an apology. • A promise from the United States not to interfere in Iran's affairs in the future. Though later that year the Shah left the U.S.
And died in in July 1980, the hostage crisis continued and dominated the last year of Carter's presidency. The subsequent responses to the crisis – from a ' strategy' of staying inside the White House, to the ill-prepared and unsuccessful attempt to rescue the hostages by military means () — were largely seen as contributing to Carter's defeat in the. Secretary of State Vance, believing that the mission would be unsuccessful and endanger the lives of the hostages, resigned. After the hostages were taken, Carter issued, on November 14, 1979, Executive Order 12170 – Blocking Iranian Government property, which was used to freeze the bank accounts of the Iranian government in U.S.
Banks, totaling about $8 billion U.S. This was to be used as a bargaining chip for the release of the hostages. In the days before President took office, diplomat Abdulkarim Ghuraib opened negotiations between the U.S. This resulted in the 'Algiers Accords' one day before the end of Carter's Presidency on January 19, 1981, which entailed Iran's commitment to free the hostages immediately. Additionally, Executive Orders 12277 through 12285 were issued by Carter releasing all assets belonging to the Iranian government and all assets belonging to the Shah found within the United States and the guarantee that the hostages would have no legal claim against the Iranian government that would be heard in U.S. Iran, however, also agreed to place $1 billion of the frozen assets in an escrow account and both Iran and the United States agreed to the creation of a tribunal to adjudicate claims by U.S.
Nationals against Iran for compensation for property lost by them or contracts breached by Iran. The tribunal, known as the, has awarded over $2 billion to U.S. Claimaints and has been described as one of the most important arbitration bodies in the history of. Although the release of the hostages was negotiated and secured under the Carter administration, the hostages were released on January 20, 1981, moments after Reagan was sworn in as President. Iran–Iraq War [ ]. With President Carter Continuing a rapprochement begun during the Nixon administration, Carter sought closer relations with the (PRC).
In 1979, he extended formal diplomatic recognition to the PRC for the first time. This decision led to a boom in trade between the United States and the PRC. In January 1980, Carter unilaterally revoked the with the (ROC), which had lost to the PRC in the but retained control the island of. Carter's abrogation of the treaty was challenged in court by conservative Republicans, but the Supreme Court ruled that the issue was a non-justiciable in. Continued to maintain diplomatic contacts with the ROC through the 1979.
Indonesian occupation of East Timor [ ] The Carter administration resumed and dramatically increased arms sales to the Indonesian during its of. In an interview, Carter's Assistant Secretary described its interest to the United States: 'Indonesia [.] is the fifth largest nation in the world, is a moderate member of the Non-Aligned Movement, is an important oil producer – which plays a moderate role within OPEC – and occupies a strategic position astride the sea lanes between the Pacific and Indian Oceans.' American arms sales to the Suharto regime averaged about $60 million annually during Carter's term, more than double the figure of Ford's yearly sales.
According to the United Nations, 84,000-183,000 East Timorese civilians were killed during the occupation, by methods including forced starvation, with Indonesian forces being responsible for 70% of the 18,600 unlawful killings. In a 2007 interview with, Carter discussed the actions of his administration regarding East Timor: 'I have to say that I was not, you know, as thoroughly briefed about what was going on in East Timor as I should have been. I was more concerned about other parts of the world then.' List of international trips [ ]. Further information: Besides unconditional amnesty for era, issued in his first full day in office (January 21, 1977), President Carter used his power in other cases.
He issued 566 pardons or commutations as President, granting 20% of all requests that came before him. Most notable cases: •: independence activist who in 1950 President.
His original death sentence was commuted by Truman himself and Carter granted him full pardon. •, and: Puerto Rican independence activists involved in 1954 Assault on the House of Representatives. •, singer-songwriter: clemency for a sexual offense in 1969. •, chief operative for the during: sentence commuted.
1980 presidential campaign [ ]. The electoral map of the 1980 election As the approached, Carter faced mounting opposition, even from within his own party. The energy crisis contributed to a frustrating economic situation, while Senator Kennedy was openly critical of Carter regarding health care and other issues. Kennedy declared his candidacy against Carter in the but made several early mistakes, while Carter chose to focus on the Iranian hostage crisis and other matters rather than actively campaigning. Carter won the first several primaries, though Kennedy won victories in New York and other northern states. As Carter built an unassailable delegate lead, Kennedy refused to exit the race, and his victories in two of the final primaries encouraged Kennedy to contest the presidential nomination at the.
The Republicans, meanwhile, nominated Ronald Reagan, while Republican Congressman launched an independent campaign. At the Democratic convention, Kennedy sought to win the support of delegates pledged to Carter, but Kennedy's effort was defeated by a vote of the delegates, and Carter won re-nomination. Despite Kennedy's defeat, he had mobilized the liberal wing of the Democratic Party, which gave Carter weak support in the fall election. Polls taken in September, after the conclusion of the conventions, showed a tied race between Reagan and Carter. Carter had alienated many key Democratic constituencies, including labor unions and Catholics, and Reagan also successfully appealed to evangelicals, many of whom had supported Carter's 1976 candidacy.
But the Carter campaign felt confident that the country would reject the conservative viewpoints espoused by Reagan, and there were hopeful signs with regards to the economy and the Iranian hostage crisis. Polling remained close throughout September and October, but Reagan's performance in the October 28 debate and Carter's failure to win the release of the Iranian hostages gave Reagan the momentum entering election day. Reagan won 50.7 percent of the popular vote and 489 electoral votes, Carter won 41 percent of the popular vote and 49 electoral votes, and Anderson won 6.6 percent of the popular vote. Republicans also of the Senate for the first time since 1952. Allegations and investigations [ ] Resignation of Bert Lance [ ], the Director of the in the Carter administration, resigned his position on September 21, 1977, amid allegations of improper banking activities prior to his becoming Director. Lance was one of Carter's closest friends, and served as state highway director when Carter was Governor of Georgia. Carter supported Lance in his bid to succeed Carter as governor, but Lance was defeated in the primary.
Lance was subsequently tried on various bank-related charges, but was acquitted. The Lance affair was an embarrassment to Carter, coming just a few years after the.
Special counsel investigating campaign loans [ ] In April 1979, appointed as a special counsel to investigate loans made to the peanut business owned by Carter by a bank controlled by, a friend of the president and the director of the. Unlike and who were named as to investigate the, Curran's position as special counsel meant that he would not be able to file charges on his own, but would require the approval of Assistant Attorney General. Carter became the first sitting president to testify under oath as part of an investigation of that president. The investigation was concluded in October 1979, with Curran announcing that no evidence had been found to support allegations that funds loaned from the National Bank of Georgia had been diverted to Carter's 1976 presidential campaign.
The Marston affair [ ] was appointed by President Gerald Ford to serve as United States Attorney for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. He was investigating, a Democratic member of the House of Representatives, for money he received in connection with a federal grant to Hahnemann University Hospital in Philadelphia.
Eilberg contacted the White House and Marston was fired by Attorney General Griffin Bell. Eilberg lost his 1978 reelection bid, and, three months later, pleaded guilty to conflict of interest charges. He was sentenced to five years of probation and a $10,000 fine.
Personal and family matters during presidency [ ]. With his brother,, at the commencement ceremonies at in Atlanta, February 20, 1979 Carter's youngest child lived in the White House while her father served as president. She was the subject of much media attention during this period as young children had not lived in the White House since the early 1960s presidency of.
Carter's brother generated a great deal of notoriety during Carter's presidency for his colorful and often outlandish public behavior. In 1977, Billy Carter endorsed, capitalizing upon his colorful image as a beer-drinking, Southern boy that had developed in the during President Carter's campaign. Billy Carter's name was occasionally used as a gag answer for a trouble-maker on 1970s episodes of. Billy Carter once urinated on an airport runway in full view of the press and dignitaries. In late 1978 and early 1979, Billy Carter visited with a contingent from Georgia three times.
He eventually registered as a foreign agent of the Libyan government and received a $220,000 loan. This led to a hearing over alleged, which some in the press dubbed 'Billygate'. See also [ ] • •, would-be presidential assassin Notes [ ].
Retrieved March 13, 2017. • Zelizer, pp. 27-28 • Zelizer, p. 29 • Zelizer, pp. 31-32 • Zelizer, pp.
35-36 • Zelizer, pp. 34-38 • Zelizer, pp. 39-40 • Zelizer, pp. 41-44 • Zelizer, pp. 45-46 • Zelizer, pp. 47-48 • ^ Howard, Adam (September 26, 2016)..
Retrieved 31 December 2016. • Zelizer, pp.
50-51 • Zelizer, p. 52 • ^ Alan Brinkley and Davis Dyer, ed.
The American Presidency. Mariner Books.. November 20, 2004: 25146.. Retrieved June 9, 2010. Retrieved March 13, 2017.
Retrieved March 13, 2017. • Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 30–31 • Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 30–32 • Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. Retrieved 2007-12-06. February 8, 2017. Retrieved March 13, 2017.
• Zelizer, pp. Retrieved March 13, 2017. • Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 40–41 • Pincus, Walter (April 1, 1977)... Retrieved July 5, 2008. • Matthews, Dylan (4 August 2017)..
Retrieved 21 November 2017. • ^ Strong, Robert A..
Miller Center. University of Virginia. • Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 33–34 • Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 71–72 • Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 122–123 • ^ (PDF).
Department of Commerce. •, CRS Report RL33305, The Crude Oil Windfall Profit Tax of the 1980s: Implications for Current Energy Policy, by Salvatore Lazzari. • Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 65–68 • Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp.
121–122 • Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 134–135 • Reinhold, Robert (April 17, 1976)..
The New York Times. Carter left some details a bit vague today, his proposal seemed almost identical to the so-called Kennedy-Corman health security plan. His position on the issue is now substantially the same as that of his chief rivals, Senator Hubert H. Humphrey, Senator Henry M.
Jackson and Representative Morris K. All three are co-sponsors of the Kennedy-Corman bill. Auerbach, Stuart (April 17, 1976).. The Washington Post. The outlines of Carter's program are close to one sponsored by Sen.
Kennedy (D-Mass.) and strongly supported by organized labor. UPI (April 17, 1976).. Chicago Tribune. Although Carter didn't provide an estimate of what his health plan would cost taxpayers, it features many proposals similar to plans suggested by others, including Sen.
Edward Kennedy [D., Mass.] which are estimated to cost at least $40 billion annually. Blumenthal, David; Morone, James A. 'Jimmy Carter: The Righteous Engineer'. The Heart of Power: Health and Politics in the Oval Office. Berkeley: University of California Press. • Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp.
'National health insurance'. Congressional Quarterly Almanac, 96th Congress 1st Session.1979. Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly. 'National health insurance'. Congressional Quarterly Almanac, 96th Congress 2nd Session.1980.
Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly. Department of Labor. Retrieved March 13, 2017. Eugene Register-Guard: (Eugene, OR). Washington, DC. April 16, 1980. Retrieved July 1, 2016.
• ^ Frum, pp. 301–302 • (PDF). Retrieved March 13, 2017. WGBH American Experience. American Experience. • (text and video).
Miller Center, University of Virginia. Retrieved October 22, 2013.
• Weintraub, Walter (1986). Political Psychology 7: Profiles of American Presidents as Revealed in Their Public Statements: The Presidential News Conferences of Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan.
International Society of Political Psychology. 292 • Jim Jubak (April 1, 2008).. Jubak's Journal. Bureau of Economic Analysis. •, Politics That Work, March 29, 2015 • ^.
Bureau of Labor Statistics. United States Census Bureau. And National Bureau of Economic Research. December 19, 1995.
Retrieved March 18, 2012. Department of Energy. Hargrove, Jimmy Carter as President: Leadership and the Politics of the Public Good, London, 1988, p. Retrieved December 6, 2007. Carl (2002)... March 24, 1980.
Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond. • 'The downturn was precipitated by a rise in interest rates to levels that exceeded the record rates recorded a year earlier.' Congressional Budget Office, 'The Prospects for Economic Recovery', February 1982. October 28, 2007. Archived from on January 14, 2014. Bureau of Labor Statistics. • Raven, P.H.; Berg, L.R.; Hassenzahl, D.M.
Retrieved March 13, 2017. • ^ Sohn, Darren Samuel (May 10, 2010)... • • Biello, David (August 6, 2010)... The Palm Beach Post, via Google News. United Press International. October 18, 1979.
Retrieved March 13, 2017. • Berube, M.R.
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Northeastern University Press. Retrieved March 13, 2017. • Orleck, A.; Hazirjian, L.G. University of Georgia Press. Retrieved March 13, 2017.
• Harvey, D.M.; United States. Office of Surface Mining Reclamation and Enforcement (1978).. Star Plus Mahabharat Full Episode 201 Free Download.
Of the Interior, Office of Surface Mining, [Reclamation, and Enforcement]. Retrieved March 13, 2017. Retrieved March 13, 2017. Retrieved March 13, 2017. • Schneid, T.D. Taylor & Francis.
Retrieved March 13, 2017. • Williams, B. University of Pennsylvania Press, Incorporated. Retrieved March 13, 2017. Retrieved March 13, 2017. • Social welfare in today's world by William H. Whitaker and Ronald C.
Federico • •. • Zelizer, pp. 71-72 • (1993).. Retrieved March 13, 2017.
Retrieved March 13, 2017. • Dubrell John. Manchester University Press, 1990.. • ^ Glad, Betty..
Cornell University Press, 2009. Wadsworth, 2010. • Nancy Mitchell, Jimmy Carter in Africa: Race and the Cold War (Chicago: Stanford University Press, 2016) • Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. 53–56 • Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp.
104–106 • Kaufman and Kaufman, 2006, pp. Altium Designer 10 0 22 Keygen For Mac. 150–151 • ^ Bickerton and Klausner, pp.
190–193; 198–200. • Bickerton and Klausner, pp. • Aaron David Miller, The Much Too Promised Land (Bantam Books, 2008), page 159.
• Zelizer, pp. 69-70 • Zelizer, pp.
74-76 • ^ Zelizer, pp. 57-58 • ^ Zelizer, p. 103 • ^ Kaplan, Robert D. Soldiers of God: With Islamic Warriors in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Knopf Doubleday. • ^ Kepel, Gilles (2006). Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam.
Pp. 138–139, 142–144.. • ^ Blight, James G. Becoming Enemies: U.S.-Iran Relations and the Iran-Iraq War, 1979-1988. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. What We Won: America's Secret War in Afghanistan, 1979–1989. Pp. ix–xi, 21–22, 93, 98–99, 105..
• ^ Gates, Bob (2007). From the Shadows: The Ultimate Insider's Story of Five Presidents and How They Won the Cold War.
Simon and Schuster. When asked whether he expected that the revelations in his memoir (combined with an apocryphal quote attributed to Brzezinski) would inspire 'a mind-bending number of conspiracy theories which adamantly—and wrongly—accuse the Carter Administration of luring the Soviets into Afghanistan', Gates replied: 'No, because there was no basis in fact for an allegation the administration tried to draw the Soviets into Afghanistan militarily.' See Gates, email communication with John Bernell White, Jr., October 15, 2011, as cited in White, John Bernell (May 2012).. Pp. 45–46, 82. Retrieved 2017-10-10.
• ^ Coll, Steve (2004). Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10, 2001. Pp. 87, 581.. Contemporary memos—particularly those written in the first days after the Soviet invasion—make clear that while Brzezinski was determined to confront the Soviets in Afghanistan through covert action, he was also very worried the Soviets would prevail.. Given this evidence and the enormous political and security costs that the invasion imposed on the Carter administration, any claim that Brzezinski lured the Soviets into Afghanistan warrants deep skepticism.
• Toohey, Kristine (November 8, 2007).. • ^ Bergen, Peter (2006). The Osama bin Laden I Know: An Oral History of al Qaeda's Leader.
Simon and Schuster. • Gerhard Peters; John T. The American Presidency Project. University of California - Santa Barbara. • Gerhard Peters; John T. The American Presidency Project. University of California - Santa Barbara.
Retrieved March 13, 2017. External link in title= () • •.
External link in title= () • ^ Emery, Chris (2013). 'Reappraising the Carter Administration's response to the Iran-Iraq war'. The Iran-Iraq War: New International Perspectives...
• (Fall 2012). 66 (4): 622–623. • (Fall 2012).
66 (4): 614, 617, 620, 622–623. • ^ Byrne, Malcolm (2013).
'Critical Oral History: A new approach to examining the United States' role in the war'. The Iran-Iraq War: New International Perspectives... • ^ (Fall 2012). • (Fall 2012). 66 (4): 626–627.
• (Fall 2012). 66 (4): 614, 620–621, 623, 626–627. • Blight, James G.; et al. Becoming Enemies: U.S.-Iran Relations and the Iran-Iraq War, 1979-1988. Retrieved 2017-05-12.
• ^ Gibson, Bryan R. • Blight, James G.; et al. Becoming Enemies: U.S.-Iran Relations and the Iran-Iraq War, 1979-1988. Pp. 5, 58–59, 63–69, 260–262..
• provided an anecdote that may be related to the rumored 'green light': 'When disintegration started, and a report was prepared on this—the economic and political and military disintegration of [Iran]—the army had been totally purged, and the people who were taking over were young and incompetent. The implication was that the government would not last too much longer. A copy of such a report was given to the Saudis, and the Saudis were quite impressed by it, because they were deathly afraid of the government of Iran's mullahs.
What the Saudis did with this report is where this narrative breaks down somewhat. There are a lot of people who believe that the Saudis gave a copy of this to Saddam.
But no Saudis ever told me that it was given, and no Iraqi has ever told me that they got a copy of this report from the Saudis, although they could have. Whether they did or not, Saddam also reached the same conclusion on his own. There's no doubt about that. If he got confirmation of his conclusion from an American report, that would have made him even more determined to move against Iran.' Retrieved 2017-05-01. • Strategic Warning Staff (1980-04-11). 'Possible Iranian–Iraqi Conflict': 3.
Available online Retrieved 2017-10-05. • This hypothesis was later confirmed by the Iraqi archives. See Gibson, Bryan R. The Majalla: The Leading Arab Magazine. Retrieved 2016-09-27. These transcripts and documents show that Iraqi generals were ordered to invade Iran only days before the actual invasion took place. Caught completely unaware, the generals had only limited resources and could only execute the war as far as their logistical tethers would allow.
Retrieved 2016-09-27. • Blight, James G.; et al. Becoming Enemies: U.S.-Iran Relations and the Iran-Iraq War, 1979-1988. Pp. 71–82, 261–262.. External link in website= () •. Vanderbilt Television News Archive. Vanderbilt University.
May 19, 1977. Retrieved July 5, 2008. May 30, 1977. Retrieved July 5, 2008. Retrieved March 13, 2017. • Strong, Robert A.. Miller Center.
University of Virginia. Retrieved 21 November 2017. • Sharma, Sunil.. Dissident Voice.
Retrieved July 19, 2014. World Policy Institute.
Retrieved July 19, 2014. • Powell, Sian.. Global Policy Forum.
Retrieved July 19, 2014. Democracy Now! September 10, 2007. Retrieved July 19, 2014.
Department of State Office of the Historian. • Joseph, Joel (November 4, 2010)... Retrieved October 21, 2013. Daulatpur Nasirabad in Gurgaon was a sleepy nondescript village on the outskirts of Delhi but it found a prominent place on the global map after Carter paid a visit to this village.This village has since then been renamed Carterpuri. Retrieved March 13, 2017.
Retrieved March 13, 2017. • Zelizer, p. 94 • Zelizer, pp.
100-102 • Zelizer, pp. 105-106 • Zelizer, pp. 106-108 • Zelizer, p. 108 • Zelizer, pp. 109-110 • Steven F. Hayward (2009)..
Random House Digital, Inc. • Zelizer, p.
115 • Zelizer, pp. 113-114 • Zelizer, pp. 115-116 • Zelizer, pp. 122-124 • Zelizer, pp. 124-125 • Kazin, Michael; Edwards, Rebecca; Rothman, Adam (November 9, 2009).. Princeton University Press.
• Bert Lance, Carter Adviser, Dies at 82 New York Times August 15, 2013 • Staff.,, April 2, 1979. Accessed September 7, 2008.
• (September 6, 2008).. The New York Times. Retrieved September 6, 2008. He also investigated President Jimmy Carter's family peanut business for the Justice Department in 1979, and thus became the first lawyer to examine a sitting president under oath.
Accessed September 6, 2008. • Pound, Edward T.
(October 17, 1979).. The New York Times. Retrieved September 7, 2008. • Critics: The Administration 'Blew It' Washington Post January 31, 1978 • Blog of Death. April 11, 2004. Retrieved March 13, 2017.
Further reading [ ] • Bickerton, Ian J.; Carla L. Klausner (2007). A history of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Pearson Prentice Hall. Jimmy Carter's Economy: Policy in an Age of Limits (U of North Carolina Press. 2002) • Campagna, Anthony S.
Economic Policy in the Carter Administration (Greenwood Press, 1995) • Congressional Quarterly. Congress and the Nation V: 1977–1980 (1981) in-depth detail on all major issues; 1240pp • Dumbrell, John.
The Carter Presidency: A Re-evaluation (2nd ed. Manchester University Press 1995).. • Fink, Gary M., and Hugh Davis Graham, eds. The Carter Presidency: Policy Choices in the Post-New Deal Era (University Press of Kansas, 1998) • (2000). How We Got Here: The '70s. New York, New York: Basic Books..
• Kaufman, Diane, and Scott Kaufman. Historical Dictionary of the Carter Era (Scarecrow, 2013) 301 pp • Kaufman, Burton I.; Kaufman, Scott (2006). The Presidency of James Earl Carter. University Press of Kansas. • Keefer, Edward C.
(2017) Harold Brown: Offsetting the Soviet Military Challenge, 1977—1981 (Washington: Historical Office of the Secretary of Defense, 2017), xxii, 815 pp.), about • Rosenbaum, Herbert D.; Ugrinsky, Alexej, eds. The Presidency and Domestic Policies of Jimmy Carter (Greenwood Press, 1994) • Zelizer, Julian (2010). Jimmy Carter. Times Books.. Preceded by Carter Presidency 1977–1981 Succeeded.
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